Monday 30 September 2024

How to manage change in Sri Lanka?

We’ll need to keep our act together – with clear plans, arrangements and disciplined follow through,why the nation voted a new President to bring about a seismic change with our Parliamentary General Election on the 14 November 2024. Distractions may interrupt the flow and take us off track, there’ll also be lots of peripheral issues to attend to, so keeping sight of our priorities and doing first things first, will ensure that we are productive and effective. To manage change in the way we go about doing things, in the way we want the Government to help us do things, in the way we ourselves help our Government to deliver on its promises, we have a duty as citizens, to keep to our promises,to pay our due taxes,especially the overdue dues and taxes, in the first instance. As we all know that we cannot put the blame for corruption, for mismangement, for waste and for our indolence and inaction, we have a serious responsibilty.Tax avoidance involves bending the rules of the tax system to try to gain a tax advantage that Parliament never intended.Not paying the right amount of tax also means that our vital public services like schools and hospitals don’t get all the money they should. Why is it more expensive to be poor? It is because those who are rich want to keep the disadvantaged always poor. To reduce poverty, government policies could include: Means-tested welfare benefits to the poorest in society; for example, unemployment benefit, income support and housing benefit. Minimum wages. Regulation of labour markets, for example, statutory minimum wages. Policies to reduce or alleviate poverty in Sri Lanka is an absolute necessity and we need a mechanism, a policy to to be established soon. But first and foremost we need a Department and officers called Tax Police, to collect unpaid but promised taxes from those who have evaded paying their due taxes,which they promised settlement over years. Why has this group of people been let off the hook? Is it because of who they knew in government, or what they knew how to delay their tax payments, or both? Going to manage change in our tax laws, we need to simplify our taxes, give inducements to early settlement.Overcoming these challenges requires holistic change management. To make change management part of the new government transformation is a thoughtful, collaborative, time consuming process. It has to have a short term, medium term and long term way that results can be obtained in faster time to value, less risk, and assured returns. It explores the 5 critical steps to change management in any transformation project, and how the right tools can provide the insight and information you need to tackle them successfully. It needs first to ientify and engage with all the people in all parts of our country. There should be no one above the law, or no section of of our country's population, treated differently, because of class,creed, or language. To manage change,we need diversity. Secondly we need vision to bring evert part of our country on board. Thirdly, we need to frm Cross-functional Teams and Keep Everyone on the Same Page of our development plans. Fourthly we need proper and reaistic plan implemention. Last but not the least, we need to communicate in the langugage that the people know and understand in every part of our country to empower our people, not in one one language, but in all languages to celebrate our milestones of poverty alleviation and our successful implementation of our plans,over time. Victor Cherubim

Friday 27 September 2024

A new vision for Sri Lanka

NPP: The Unrivalled Choice In Sri Lanka Politics By Prof.Asoka S. Seneviratne – NPP is a people-centered political movement. The primary purpose of the movement is the broader economic and social development of the country, a beacon of hope above petty politics, thereby ushering in the overall improvement of the Sri Lankan economy while safeguarding the nation’s true democracy. The Mission and Vision statements have smartly enveloped the masses in the country, both ordinary people as well as all professional groups and intellectuals, which is the foundation of the movement. NPP exists for a well-connected and harmonious Sri Lankan community without considering their ethnic origin, religious belief, or social background. Having clean hands, the NPP’s determination to deal with rampant corruption, fraud, waste, and misuse of resources seems to be the foundation on which all economic policies and programs are deeply rooted. It seems that the NPP is committed to changing the way of brewing, bottling, and offering or presenting wine against the old story of the exact wine in a new bottle. Given the above, NPP is the unrivalled choice in Sri Lanka politics. Introduction This article aims to present the reasons why the NPP (National People’s Power) has no substitute nor an alternative in the political arena of Sri Lanka. Since its establishment in 2015 by a well-committed, dedicated, and educated small group of people, the movement has not only garnered strong support from all life folks in the motherland and overseas but also achieved significant milestones. In realizing its goal, the NPP has prepared a well-crafted Mission and Vision to save our mother Lanka. Currently, the movement is in the process of its accomplishment, and no other political party or leader can dream of doing something even closer to what NPP has brought about. This track record of success reinforces the audience’s confidence in the movement’s capabilities. We all look forward to the tremendous success of the NPP based on its Mission and Vision statements in the context of inclusive economic growth and sustainable development. Mission and Vision of NPP The Mission of NPP is centered on social justice and equal opportunities for all in the context of inclusive economic growth (i.e. people who are capable and willing to participate and contribute to the production process can do so, thereby benefiting the output at the same time) and the agenda of sustainable development goals declared in 2016 by the UN. The Vision of NPP is aimed at a decent life for all by dismantling all barriers and hindrances created by petty politics. Since its independence in 1948, Sri Lanka has been plagued with rampant corruption, nepotism, fraud, waste, and mismanagement of its precious resource base, which has caused the paralysis of the economy at various times. Under the prevailing political framework, the educated and the skilled people have no place in the economy, resulting in the outflow of brains into more affluent countries. Given the above scenario, the cornerstone of the vision crafted by NPP is to eradicate the root causes that hinder economic growth, and fulfill the expectations of the masses for a better and decent life with security, leading to the country’s overall economic development. Ironically, NPP, having a genuine interest and commitment to the nation’s development, has orchestrated the well-thought-out Vision. This is in full swing at present. Of particular note is that the Mission and Vision created by the NPP are stunningly outstanding in Sri Lanka’s political landscape. Hence, no other political parties and leaders can come even near NPP. It is indeed a unique political movement in the history of Mother Lanka in many ways, gathering jealousy from many who do not have their counter-strategy for the country. NPP is Grassroots-Oriented
NPP is a movement which has its roots in the grassroots. This bottom-up process gives it solid strength, absolute power, high quality, and profound value. The livelihood of most people in Sri Lanka is agriculture, including plantations, of which rural areas are a part and parcel. Because the large majority of the population is rural, a large share of the educated lot in the country is rural-based, too. In this context, the substantial contribution of farmers and the educated lot to the economic growth and development of the country is profoundly significant. However, because of marginalization and lack of opportunities, a growing number of families become destitute, requiring outside support for their very survival. Since the welfare and well-being of the majority in the country have been neglected by all successive governments since independence, NPP is committed to addressing and resolving this ever-widening disparity created by all political parties and leaders. In short, NPP is fully engaged and has a solid professional and intellectual base to wipe out the above disparity and thereby bring about equality in life opportunities across borders. Because of this inimitable style of NPP, it is neither a substitute nor an alternative in Sri Lanka politics at present or in the future. High Degree of Foresight, Strategic Approach, Transparency, and Accountability of NPP Foresight, Strategic approach, Transparency, and Accountability are the four (4) cornerstones of NPP. Many countries can achieve their expected prosperity and progress mainly with the clean hands of the country’s political leaders. This means that there is no involvement in corruption, nepotism, fraud, bribes, waste and misuse of resources, hypocrisy, or good governance. Applying the above principles, there is plenty of unbreakable evidence that the political leadership of NPP is unique compared to all other leaders and political parties plagued with untold scores of misdeeds, corruption, and offenses. With this unique and crystal-clear feature of NPP’s political leadership, its leaders can move with the public freely whilst not having any fear of addressing public rallies or meeting people across the country. Masses have high regard and acceptance for the NPP for its transparency and accountability. Hence, the leaders of NPP have neither fear nor suspicion about any backlash or stone-throw directed at them by the general masses. In short, the hands of NPP’s political leaders are flawless from misdeeds, corruption, and guilt. NPP is Inclusive of Communities NPP exists for a well-connected and harmonious Sri Lankan community without considering their ethnic origin, religious belief, or social background. NPP Leaders use the same language, vocabulary, and substance to address the public rallies in the country’s North, South, East, and West. NPP’s strategy for development advocates the four pillars centered around the basic needs, namely, food, shelter, education, and health, to ensure a happy life and longevity for all. Ensuring safety and security while protecting human rights is also part and parcel of their political strategy and commitment to the country’s development. In parallel, all other political parties and leaders have different or hidden agendas to address public rallies in the country’s North, South, East, and West, which is a well-known fact. Given the above, most public rallies are meant to mislead or cheat the masses by promising short-term benefits, mainly food, cash, or personal gains, which have no place in the sustainable development of human beings. Even if it has been too late since 1948, the masses have understood the above fact in the right direction, which will make a turning point in the country’s economic, social, and political compass in 2024. NPP Leaders Have Nothing to Conceal/Hide The NPP movement has its strong base anchored in the masses, is people-focused, and hence is reinforced by the very people. Leaders and members of the NPP can mingle freely with the masses without being rejected or insulted by people. They address the masses on what they practice. What they say and practice are the same, which is unique. They do not have anything to hide or cover up or conceal. They do not portray faces that suit different situations, locations, and circumstances. Everything within the movement is open, frank, and transparent. The leaders are among the ordinary people who do not indulge in luxury life. They face economic and social problems similar to those of the general masses. As a matter of principle, NPP condemns stealing public assets and their accumulation for their benefit and the next generation. The lifestyle of the leaders of the NPP is simple, humble, and highly valued and appreciated by all. They live with the people and adopt a down-to-earth strategy. NPP Leaders are Professional, Productive, and Constructive Compared to most leaders of all other political parties, the leaders of NPP are truly constructive and meaningful in their speeches in Parliament. This is a unique feature to be highlighted. They are always professional and intellectual; their speeches and explanations are full of facts and address to the point. They do not engage in the practice of mud-slinging at others either in the parliament or outside. They participate and contribute to parliamentary debates well-prepared and planned, ensuring the value of public money. They are not shaken by any unexpected event or move in the parliament. They have a habit of smiling and taking in insults and abuse with a smile. They respect and strictly follow the rules and procedures established within this institution. They maintain the utmost calmness and sincerity when any unexpected behavior and responses are mounted against them in the Parliament. These are unique characteristics of the NPP’s parliamentary group that no party or other leader comes close to. The NPP’s Economic Policies and Programs are Somewhat Self-reliance The writer has heard that only the NPP wants to prepare a 5-year economic development plan, which is an excellent idea in the right direction. Other partiers and leaders talk about ad hoc economic policies and programs to please the people attending the public rallies or when they meet people, particularly in the North and East. None have a clear vision or solid ideas for the country’s development. Instead, it seems NPP has solid ideas, policies, and programs and a two-pronged approach to the country’s development. The aforementioned two-pronged approach appears to be somewhat self-reliance. First, the NPP’s determination to deal with rampant corruption, waste, and misuse of resources seems to be the foundation on which all economic policies and programs are deeply rooted. The eradication of the above will create a conducive and inclusive atmosphere for stable economic growth and sustainable development. Indeed, the open truth is that Sri Lanka has abundant resources to provide a better life for people on par with the developed countries. It is a matter of proper organization and management of resources effectively and efficiently to generate the expected outcome. In a broader sense, this is indeed in the context of inclusive economic growth and sustainable development, leading to proper and fair income distribution. This is the necessary primary condition to bring about a better balance in the national budget, not resorting to any form of (a) excessive taxes, (b) money printing, and (b) foreign borrowing because these three sources affect the welfare and well-being of the masses at present and in the future. In short, the above conviction is at the heart of the NPP’s economic policies and programs. The second concern of NPP seems to be the foreign exchange that comes under the Balance of Payment, or BOP. The current massive foreign debt is part and parcel of BOP. It appears that NPP is insightful and strategic in how to deal with substantial foreign debt. Given the above, it appears that NPP has realized that Sri Lanka has enormous potential to save foreign exchange and maximize foreign exchange earnings. Savings of foreign exchange have been an utterly neglected fact in Sri Lanka since the mid-1980s. It seems that NPP is committed to addressing and resolving the above under the umbrella of ‘organization and management of massive resource base of the country’ along with the concept of inclusive economic growth and sustainable development. There is no doubt that the farmers can produce and feed the nation without depending on the rest of the world. Currently, a substantial portion of consumption in Sri Lanka helps the income generation of the farmers of the rest of the world, depriving the massive and increasing benefit of ‘forward and backward linkages of local production’ to the local farmers and hence the consumers. This has been a tragedy. It seems that the concern of maximizing the potential for earning foreign exchange of the NPP is related to (a) extensive and intensive value addition to our raw material working collaboratively with the private sector, (b) export product and market diversification (c) inverted remittances and (d) the export of tourism among many other ventures is huge. The NPP’s concern to integrate with world trade extensively and intensively because Sri Lanka’s share of world trade is at a low ebb is commendable and, hence, in the right direction. Regarding the NPP’s concern for savings and maximizing foreign exchange earnings, the writer’s experience working with the Central Bank of Sri Lanka for over 20 years, there are long delays in adding export earnings to the country’s reserves, which is a huge problem. Sri Lanka needs to address this strategically and resolve it meaningfully and systematically to get the best benefit from export earnings. It seems that the NPP has the utmost focus on the above problem, which is strategic and central only to the NPP, while other political parties are highly reliant on borrowing from IMF/WB and other sources and selling national assets, paving the way for a disastrous impact that future generations too will suffer extensively. In short, when the concern and focus on economic policies and programs of the NPP, it does want to follow the traditional paths that give different names and meanings for liberal and neoliberal ideology by the opposition leaders and parties. It seems that the NPP is committed to changing the way of brewing, bottling, and offering or presenting wine against the old story of the exact wine in a new bottle. In short, the economic growth and development policies, programs, and strategies of the NPP appear to be geared towards self-reliance, which is practical and achievable when other parties and leaders have mere words (e.g., dealing with rampant corruption and fraud), follow political ideologies, and are highly dependent on assistance and advice from the IMF/WB and other sources, which is unfortunate in many ways. *The writer worked as the Special Advisor to the Office of the President of Namibia and was a Senior Consultant with UNDP. He worked as a Senior Economist with the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (1972-1993) before he migrated to New Zealand. The author can be contacted at asoka.seneviratne@gmail.com

Thursday 26 September 2024

The cost of war?

Opposition to a deadly war according to Western observers?
"Way Home" a Russian Womens' pressure group, presents a fundamental opposition to President Putin’s campaign in Ukraine, which has cost the wives,mothers of Russian soldiers,their husbands, brothers, and sons. According to a BBC assessment, more than 70,000 people fighting in Russia’s military have died. Russian anti-war and feminism have grown but are far from becoming mainstream movements. According to Politico, it has been easy for the Kremlin to use sexism as a tool against high-profile female opposers.President Putin has also named 2024 "the year of the family," and the state media presents the image of women who are as loyal to the Kremlin as they are to their husbands as an ideal.

War, what war in Moscow?

As Ukraine’s drones circle near the borders of Russia, some citizens in Moscow seem oblivious to the raging war aound. If it wasn’t for all the army recruitment posters dotted around Moscow, you wouldn’t know Russia was at war with Ukraine. Everything continues as normal – a city that feels like it’s in denial. There are rowdy bars, gleaming shopping malls, and evening river cruises packed with families desperate to soak up the last of the summer sunshine. Muscovites are enjoying life, as if they haven’t got a care in the world. And yet, barely 300 miles away, war is raging. Ukrainian forces continue to hold Russian territory in the Kursk region, following their cross-border assault in early August. It was the first ground invasion of Russia since the Second World War, and was certainly not part of the plan when Vladimir Putin launched his so-called Special Military Operation more than two and a half years ago.
But as embarrassing as that’s been for the Kremlin, there’s no sign of panic. The message from the authorities is that everything is under control, and the public appears to believe them. Initially, at least, there was some anxiety among ordinary Russians about the war getting closer to home. But most people I speak to now seem entirely unphased. Not even the drone attacks, which are increasing in scale, reach and frequency, have changed this. A woman was killed earlier this month when a drone hit a residential block on the outskirts of Moscow. But in the centre of the capital, it’s business as usual. For some, I think it’s a defence mechanism. Those who oppose the war realise they have little hope of changing anything, so the safest way to deal with it is to stay silent. After all, the price for speaking out has been made abundantly clear. re genuinely ambivalent. Muscovites have largely been shielded from the effects of the war to keep them onside, and this distraction-technique seems to be working. “If the fighting doesn’t directly affect me, then why worry?” goes the thinking. And then there are the believers, who view the war as a just and noble cause. They parrot the Putin line that Moscow is liberating Ukraine’s Russian-speaking population from a “fascist regime”. And they genuinely feel that the West is the aggressor, not Russia. That may seem hard to believe, but don’t forget, state media is the only source of information for many Russians. It’s a non-stop barrage of pro-Kremlin propaganda, so it’s really no surprise that many share that view since it’s the only thing they hear. The recent talk of allowing Ukraine to use long-range missiles to strike deeper inside Russia has been spun to play into this. Nato would be “at war” with Moscow, President Putin said, if the West does give Kyiv the green light. The same goes for the recent expulsion of six British diplomats, who were very publicly accused of spying. Their faces were plastered all over state media in what felt like a carefully choreographed attempt to shape public opinion. The Foreign Office dismissed the accusations as “baseless”. It shows if the West does give the go-ahead on the missiles, Russia wants to ensure that people here view it as a hostile move by a foreign adversary. “We’ll put on gloves, boots and march on Europe together,” said another, echoing the warning coming from on high. Deputy security chief Dmitry Medvedev recently threatened to turn Kyiv into a “grey, melted spot”. It might be tempting to laugh off this language as yet more sabre-rattling, especially given the number of times Vladimir Putin seems to have redrawn his red lines during the conflict. But I think that misses two important points. Firstly, I believe the target audience for this rhetoric is at home rather than abroad. The Kremlin wants to ensure the public continues to buy into the narrative that Russia is the innocent party, under attack. Secondly, Russia may not have reached for the red button yet, but it has begun to respond in other ways – for example, cosying up with the likes of North Korea and Iran. The US fears Moscow is already sharing nuclear know-how with Iran. Europe has also accused it of cyber attacks and sabotage. So Russia has other means at its disposal, despite the nuclear option. And what officials in London and Washington are worried about is that Vladimir Putin has staked everything on this war. For him, defeat is not an option. Ivor Bennett is Moscow correspondent for Sky News

Wednesday 25 September 2024

Sri Lanka's Second Woman Prime Minister

Sri Lanka’s new leader appoints first female prime minister for 24 years Story by Bharatha Mallawarachi, Associated Press • 22h • 1 min read National People’s Power politician Harini Amarasuriya, left, takes the oath for the post of Sri Lanka’s prime minister in front of President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, in Colombo (Sri Lanka Government Information Department via AP) National People’s Power politician Harini Amarasuriya, left, takes the oath for the post of Sri Lanka’s prime minister in front of President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, in Colombo (Sri Lanka Government Information Department via AP)
Sri Lanka’s new President Anura Kumara Dissanayake on Tuesday swore in an opposition politician as his prime minister, making her the country’s first woman to head the government in 24 years. Harini Amarasuriya, 54, a university lecturer and activist, comes from a similar background as Mr Dissanayake and both are members of the Marxist-leaning National People’s Power coalition. His victory in Saturday’s election over ex-president Ranil Wickremesinghe and opposition leader Sajith Premadasa came as Sri Lankans rejected the old political guard whom they blamed for pushing the country into an unprecedented economic crisis. The last woman to serve as prime minister, the second most-powerful position after the president, was Sirimavo Bandaranaike. She was also the world’s first female head of government when she took up the post in 1960, and served three terms until 2000. Mr Dissanayake’s first major challenge will be to act on his campaign promise to ease the crushing austerity measures imposed by his predecessor Mr Wickremesinghe under a relief agreement with the International Monetary Fund, after Sri Lanka defaulted on its debt. Mr Wickremesinghe has warned that any move to alter the basics of the bailout agreement could delay the release of a fourth tranche of nearly three billion dollars (£2.25 billion). Sri Lanka’s politics have mostly been dominated by men since the island nation introduced universal suffrage in 1931. Ms Bandaranaike’s younger daughter, Chandrika Kumaratunga, later became the country’s first and only female president, holding office from 1994 to 2005. Related video: Sri Lanka's New President: Anura Kumara Dissanayake Becomes First Communist President of Sri Lanka (WION).Sri Lanka started a new chapter 2 years ago, when National People's Power (NPP) was formed. ECONOMYNEXT – Prime Minister,Harini NIREKA Amarasuriya was ridiculed when she started to express her mind against social injustice to the public like a Marxists Janatha Vimukthi Peremuna activists while teaching as a lecturer at Open University of Sri Lanka, but Harini never had an idea that she will end up as the island nation’s Prime Minister. But, the 54-year old youngest in a three-member elitist family in Colombo on Tuesday,24 September 2024 took oaths as the 16th Prime Minister of Independent Sri Lanka and the third woman Prime Minister in the country. An old girl of Bishops College, Colombo, Amarasuriya was outspoken against social injustice when she was young. She believes it came from her father. Her first job as a social health officer, who dealt with sidelined women in early 1990s including AIDS patients and the war-affected, also helped her to connect any layers in the country – from professionals to uneducated people, from the rich to poor, and from elitists to the underprivileged people. “I am a mother for the whole community, though I don’t have my own child,” Amarasuriya told a recent interview to Hari TV. She has been reformist, a rights activist, an academic, and an intellectual in her life throughout. She is the third woman Prime Minister of Sri Lanka, an old democracy in the world which has chosen the first Woman Prime Minister in 1960. Sri Lanka’s first woman Prime Minister was Sirimavo Bandaranaike, the wife of from Prime Minister S W R D Bandaranaike and the second Prime Minister was their daughter, Chandrika Bandarahanike Kumaratunga. Amarasuriya had no family political background until she became a legislator under the NPP’s national list in 2020. NGO WORKER She first started as a social health worker soon after her graduation, working for a Non Government Organization (NGO) before she worked one-year for Care International, a global NGO. She then became a freelance researcher and was interested in social anthropology in which she later completed her PhD in the University of Edinburgh. “I do not have the ability to do business and I don’t have any business,” she says. She also regrets to have lost her sleeping time and privacy in her life because of her political career. “I am person who have lived for a long time with privacy. That is something I don’t like,” she says. Analysts say Amarasuriya was the key turning point in getting the support of professionals and higher middle income strata in the country. They say people started to trust National People’s Power (NPP) more than JVP which was involved in two bloody insurrections in 1971 and 1988/89. Many people see her as the game changer for JVP. She changed the face of JVP from a leftist and Marxists party to a reformist and progressive group with her improved communication in both native Sinhala and English. She is an academic by profession. Besides her doctorate, he has her basic degree of Bachelor of Arts in Sociology while she completed a Master degree in Applied Anthropology and Development Studies. An eloquent speaker by nature, she responded a foreign journalist when asked about the experience of NPP members to carry out a government. “Well, we don’t have experience in making the country bankrupt for sure, but we will get experience in building the country,” Amarasuriya said.

Monday 23 September 2024

Will Labour still hold power in 2029?

The majority of the public already expect Labour to lose the next election, new polling shows. The survey found 60% believe Sir Keir Starmer's party will be ousted in 2029, while half think he will not still be Prime Minister then.
Analysis by the More in Common think tank also found Labour could be defeated without losing a single vote if the Tories rally former voters who stayed at home and take half of those who switched to Reform. Seniors Can Pay Next to Nothing for Car Insurance (See How) Seniors Car Insurance Offers Seniors Can Pay Next to Nothing for Car Insurance (See How) Ad Sir Keir's party needs to increase its vote share from 33.7% at the 2024 election to at least 36% in 2029 to see off such a threat. More in Common's UK director Luke Tryl said: "It may seem extremely premature to be looking ahead to the next election just months after the last one, but with such a volatile electorate Labour needs to be thinking not just about how to hold on to its existing coalition, but how to grow that broad but shallow base of support if it is going to have any chance of holding onto power. "Our analysis suggests a modest growth in their vote share to 36% is the magic number that would allow the party to see off a threat from a 'united right'. "Fail to do that and the party could find itself out of office, even without losing a single vote. "Growing Labour's baseStarmer’s popularity has taken a hammering in recent weeks after the Prime Minister pushed through controversial measures to axe Winter Fuel Payments for 10 million pensioners and initiated the early release of prisoners to free up space behind bars. Two opinion polls have laid bare the difficult situation Starmer finds himself in just 80 days into entering Downing Street. will require Keir Starmer to appeal to the left and right - winning over those moderate Conservatives who almost made the leap to Labour this time, while also winning back jaded progressive voters who don't yet think Labour is being bold enough."

Sunday 22 September 2024

Anura Kumara Dissanayake - the man with humble beginnings

Here are some facts about Anura Kumara Dissanayake: Anura Kumara Dissanayake was born on November 24, 1968, in Thambuththegama, Sri Lanka. His father was a labourer, and his mother was a housewife. He attended local schools and was the first from his college to get admission into University. Dissanayake became involved in the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) during his school years and fully engaged in politics during the 1987-1989 JVP insurrection. He initially studied at the University of Peradeniya but left due to threats, later graduating from the University of Kelaniya in 1995 with a degree in physical science.
Anura Kumara Dissanayake rose through the ranks of the JVP, becoming a key figure in the party's leadership. In 1995, he was appointed National Organiser of the Socialist Students Association and joined the JVP's Central Working Committee. By 1998, he secured a prominent position in the JVP Politburo. During this time, the JVP re-entered mainstream politics under Somawansa Amarasinghe and initially supported Chandrika Kumaratunga's government, though they soon became vocal critics of her administration. In 2004, Dissanayake became a cabinet minister in President Chandrika Kumaratunga's government, handling agriculture, livestock, land, and irrigation. However, in 2005, he and other JVP ministers resigned in protest against a joint agreement between the government and the LTTE for tsunami relief coordination. Dissanayake became the JVP's leader in 2014, succeeding Somawansa Amarasinghe, and ran as the JVP's presidential candidate in 2019, finishing third with 3 per cent of the votes. He announced another presidential bid for the 2024 elections under the National People's Power (NPP). Known for his critical stance on Sri Lanka's economic policies, Dissanayake has opposed IMF conditions, advocating for renegotiations to reduce taxes like the Pay-As-You-Earn tax and eliminate VAT on essential items. His policies focus on increasing social welfare and supporting businesses through targeted taxation reforms.

Saturday 21 September 2024

Sri Lanka's 10th President-Elect

Sri Lanka goes for presidential poll amid uncertainty, partial recovery from crisis By Shihar Aneez Saturday September 21, 2024 4:00 am ECONOMYNEXT – Sri Lanka is going for presidential elections Saturday to elect the ninth president with with candidates promising salary hikes for state workers, more handouts for the poor and tax cuts as the economy recovered from a currency collapse that pushed inflation to 70 percent. The island nation’s 17.1 million voters will elect the new leader in the poll in which the winner is widely expected to be chosen after a second preferential vote count due to a tight race among the top three candidates.
Fighting against corruption, economic recovery from the debt crisis, tax reduction, granting concessions, public sector salary hike, and debt restructuring under International Monetary Fund (IMF) reforms have been at the centre stage of the campaigns. The election comes two years after a political crisis that ousted former president Gotabaya Rajapasa and his government after mass protests following forex shortages and a currency crisis from rate cuts. Tens of thousands of people agitated on the road as they faced shortage for essential goods including fuel and medicines due to forex shortages coming from money printed by the central bank. The election will be an acid test for President Ranil Wickremesinghe who is contesting under a broader independent coalition and has claimed credit for the current economic stability after implementing tax hikes to strenghten state finances and allowing the central bank to avoid printing money. Under Wickremesinghe, the rupee has stabilized, inflation has slowed to near zero from over 70 percent during the peak of economic crisis, economic growth has turned to positive from contraction, and government revenue has jumped sharply after new taxes and increase in value added tax (VAT). However, his critics including two top presidential candidates – Opposition and center-right Samagi Jana Balavegaya leader Sajith Premadasa and Marxists Janatha Vimukthi Peremuna (JVP)-led National People’s Power (NPP) coalition, have campaigned saying that he has not taken enough action on corruption. Analysts see Dissanayaka, Premadasa, and Wickremesinghe as the top three candidates, but none of them get more than 50 percent votes, which will lead to a second preferential vote counting. DIFFICULT PROMISES Dissanayaka strongly campaigned against corruption under previous governments including Wickremesinghe and Rajapaksa. Premadasa in his campaign asked the people to vote for his team who are considered to be better in handling the economy. Concerns have been raised over promises by the candidates which are likely to increase the government expenditure, if implemented without new revenue measures. “Listening to what is going to be delivered is making me dizzy as common sense tells me that lots of promises are quite difficult if not improbable,” Ajith de Alwais, an engineering professor, wrote in his column on local newspaper Daily FT this week. Wickremesinghe is contesting for presidency for the third time after he failed in 1999 and 2005, Premadasa and Dissanayaka for the second time after 2019. The polling will start at 0700 hours (0130 GMT) and end at 1600 hours (1030 GMT). The results of postal votes are expected to be announced late on Saturday and electoral results early on Sunday. The second preferential vote counting is also expected to be completed on Sunday and the new president is expected to be declared late on Sunday, “if everything goes well”, an Election Commission official has said. (Colombo/September 21/2024)

Friday 20 September 2024

Women reclaim their power in government

Ursula Von der Leyen, the President of the European Commission has flexed her muscles to strongarm some countries into withdrawing male nominees and putting forward a woman instead. As a result, the gender balance in the incoming team went from 22% women among the initial candidates to 40% – still short of her objective of parity but a significant improvement. She rewarded countries that nominated women by giving them bigger portfolios, such as Finland’s Henna Virkkunen, who gets a vice-presidency and the crucial digital and security files plus a lead role in coordinating support for Ukraine. Slovenia’s Marta Cos will be in charge of the EU’s eastward enlargement. Von der Leyen downgraded nominees from countries that rebuffed her pressure for more women, such as Malta, whose nominee gets the largely powerless youth, sport and culture portfolio. Her team is structured so that the socialist and liberal vice-presidents will have EPP watchdogs around them to ensure that policy does not stray from her line, while key functions such as trade, the budget and fiscal policy report directly to her. Significantly, many of the key portfolios, including those directly related to handling Russia, will be held by commissioners from the EU’s eastern flank – countries that joined the bloc 20 years ago but are still regarded by some western governments as “new member staters”. A duo of former Baltic premiers, Kallas from Estonia and Andrius Kubilius of Lithuania, will be in charge of foreign and defence policy. Poland’s Piotr Serafin will handle the EU budget, with the ultrasensitive task of drafting the next seven-year budget plan on which negotiations will start next year. Given the vast investments required by the green and digital transitions and in European defence, Serafin, who is the right-hand man of the Polish prime minister, Donald Tusk, will have to recommend whether to slash old spending programmes, such as agriculture and regional development – even though Poland is the largest recipient of EU cohesion funds – or to substantially raise revenue through European taxes, bigger national contributions or more joint borrowing, or a combination of all three. The rightward drift of the new lineup responds to the political reality of a surge of far-right and nationalist parties in this year’s European parliament elections, even if the pro-European mainstream retains a majority. At the same time, the commission has responded to the geopolitical reality of a Russian threat that looms ever larger, two and a half years into Vladimir Putin’s brutal full-scale invasion of Ukraine, by appointing many commissioners from the east who have responsibility for defence and budgets. The team in the European Union Parliament, will have to implement the new migration and asylum pact, due to come into force in 2026. However, it is already being considered insufficient by many countries that are either imposing unilateral border controls – as Germany is doing – or, like Italy, demanding tougher measures to process asylum applications outside the EU. The Austrian conservative Magnus Brunner will be in charge of migration policy, which could help to pacify the growing far right in his own country. The European Parliament may yet force changes in von der Leyen’s lineup . Some Socialists and Greens are eager to claim the scalps of Fitto and Várhelyi, especially since the latter branded MEPs “idiots” in his first term. But as ever, the hearings will be a game of chicken in which the right will retaliate against Socialist nominees if its own champions are blocked. The result is usually a couple of cosmetic changes.
All in all, the new commission looks a stronger, more united team with fewer obvious rivalries. Climate activists fear it will be less committed to achieving net zero emission targets and more lenient on polluting industries and agriculture. Yet von der Leyen vowed to stick to implementing the European green deal, for which the key regulations were set in the last legislature. The challenge for her new team is to make greening Europe an economic and technological boost for our ageing continent, while helping farmers, businesses and poorer households along on the journey. That’s a big ask.

Thursday 19 September 2024

Moksha street dance goes viral in Kolkatta

Wednesday 18 September 2024

Back in the USSR

Soviet nostalgia is still alive and well in today’s Russia. To take you on a journey or look at the USSR which existed from 1922 to 1991, is a journey back in time. For many in Russia today, the Soviet Union is more than a memory. It is still a source of fascination, more an inspiration living today. Understandably the shadow of life in the USSR for the old is hard to escape? For the young, it is history? I can remember when I left the United States after my studies, in the cold winter of February 2, 1962 and got a week’s Visit Visa, which indeed was just less than a feat, and how I managed to extend it by nearly a month, remain still a mystery, to say the least. The Cuban crisis was just beginning. A Third World War against the enemy US seemed inevitable to many. The change, in fact something of a “revolution” of sorts, was about to take place. I was young, it was unbelievably fearsome, if not exciting? It was part of the New Frontier that President John F. Kennedy had inculcated in the last year before I left the United States to return home. It was also almost 70 years of the existence of the Soviet Union, which according to history had turned a corner from a backward “quasi feudal realm” ruled by the autocratic Tsars and turned into a modern global Super Power rivalling the United States of America. To bring it in context with history, we see the October Revolution of 1917 which took place with Soviet Union being formed, at a time of political turmoil. Tsar Nicholas II, the absolute ruler of the Russian Empire was overthrown and the government that replaced the monarchy, was powerless against a Bolshevik revolt led by Vladimir Lenin. The newly formed Red Army, was formed and is still here in Russia’s military parades to this day. The Red Army, I was told by my Russian interpreters was fundamental for the defeat of Nazi Germany. Russian people to this day still pay a debt of gratitude to their memory of history. The feats and the fears the citizens endured are etched in their memory. I too can remember my visit to Workers’ Collectives, called “Kolhoz” as well as other Museums in various towns, cities and toured some villages in different Soviet Republics. It was a memorable experience during my near month long plane tour of the distant parts of the USSR enroute to Colombo. I had the opportunity to visit the cities of Moscow and Leningrad in Russia, Kiev and Odesa in Ukraine, a flight stopover in Simferopol in Crimea,, Tbilisi in Georgia, Erevan in Armenia, Baku in Azerbaijan, near Caspian Sea and Tashkent in Uzbekistan
At the Kolhoz farm communities, I witnessed some achievement of how farm managers earned their reputation. They told me how workers’ reps were made heroes out of their self-sacrificing work as well as their workers, to reach and superseded production quotas, in their Five Year Plan. At schools and Technical Institutes, I was informed why students are paid stipends to study and excel. The incentive was to take on the achievements which they had heard about the United States? All I could do was observe, but could not challenge, as I was only a Visitor, not a researcher. Although I lived mostly in the hotel rooms and canteens, one hotel, The Metropole, in downtown Moscow, near the Moscow Metro (Subway) built in the 1930’s, stands out for from where I visited the Bolshoi Theatre for the theatrical performance of “Swan Lake.” The architectural wonder of the Metro still lingers on in my memory after 62 years ago. Visiting Kruschev’s USSR after my scholarship in the USA, was an experience of a lifetime. It was also a time of warnings; the crossing of Check Point Charlie, in East Berlin, to my flying into Moscow Shermetevo Airport from Warsaw airport and losing my bag with all my winter clothes, at the height of severe winter, will never ever be forgotten. Not everything was a “bed of roses”, as on the flip side of the coin, I literally saw people everywhere in the USSR queuing for bread and particularly “moloko” milk, which was rationed and the words “niet,, nichivo” a common word or words, at kiosk’s all over the USSR. Everywhere I visited, there was a tremendous demand for “western goods, garbs, and jeans in particular”. Space exploration and Science was the battle field for US and the USSR during the time of the Cold War. The Soviet Union sent the first man in Space, Yuri Gagarin on 12 April 1961, when I was in the United States, which pride was witnessed all over during my visit to the USSR. Victor Cherubim

New strategies in war in Ukraine

Russia is boosting its army size to 1.5 million active soldiers due to perceived 'threats' along its borders, including hostility in the West, the Kremlin announced today. President Vladimir Putin signed a decree on Monday boosting the number of active troops by 180,000 to 1.5 million, making the Russian army the second largest in the world by active troop size, according to Russian media - after China, on 2 million. 'This is caused by the number of threats that exist for our country along the perimeter of our borders,' Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov told reporters. 'It is caused by the extremely hostile situation on the western borders and instability on the eastern borders,' he added.

Friday 13 September 2024

US does not want Ukraine to win the war, why?

US aid to Ukraine has resticted condiions imposed. The United States has been the leading provider of aid to Ukraine, offering financial, political, and military support. Washington has imposed and continues to impose sanctions against Russia and its supporters, including Iran. The US has supplied Ukraine with tanks, rocket launchers, armored vehicles, missiles, ammunition, and other weapons.
Currently, Ukraine is working to lift US restrictions on striking Russian military targets with the long-range weapons provided. This issue was discussed by President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and US Secretary of State Antony Blinken and British Foreign Secretary,David Lammy, during a meeting in Kyiv on September 11, 2024. According to Bloomberg, the US is demanding a strategy from Ukraine for strikes against Russia before lifting these restrictions. The given explanation is that Ukrainian forces are not fully and meticulously trained to use US modern tech in rockets and launchers. The real reason is that the Russians should be kept away from acquiring US "know how". Strangely,the supplied rockets are outdated stockpiles of technology and operation. However, some,if not most of the US supplied rockets are antiquated weaponry. Ukraine knows very well, also their operations are not a secret from Russian intelligence. It is game of "cats and mice" a part of diplomacy. Among their many contributions to Ukraine, Allies and partners have delivered 10 long-range Multiple Launch Rocket Systems (MLRS), 178 long-range artillery systems, nearly 100,000 rounds of long-range artillery ammunition, nearly 250,000 anti-tank munitions, 359 tanks, 629 armored personnel carriers and infantry, according to reports. The cost of this aid is US $25 billion since war began on 14 February 2022. The undisclosed issue is how to contain the outcome should Russia be outmanouvered and loses the war.Would US and NATO want to contemplate such a scenario, or how to contain it, before the impending US Presidential Election in November 2024. After this date, it is bleak winter in Russia and Ukraine. It is anybody's guess, how this will play? President Biden appeared on the verge of approving Ukraine’s use of long-range Western weapons on targets deep inside Russian territory on the condition that it doesn’t use arms provided by the U.S., according to European officials. Biden is expected to discuss the issue today when he meets with Britain’s new prime minister, Keir Starmer, in Washington. ) Russia’s president, Vladimir Putin, warned yesterday (12 September 2024) that the country would “make appropriate decisions” in response to the Western move. “This will mean that NATO countries — the United States and European countries — are at war with Russia,” he said.

Thursday 12 September 2024

Vice President US Kamala Harris won the debate with Donald Trump

Republican Political Consultant and Deputy Chief of Staff of President George W.Bush, said Trump got "crushed by a woman he called dumb as a rock" during the ABC TV debate in Philadelphia."A train wreck" for him?

Wednesday 11 September 2024

What is the US missile that Ukraine has but cannot use?

Besides, the Storm Shadow, Ukraine is also keen to use US Joint Air-to-Surface Standoff (JASSM) and Army Tactical Missile System (ATACMS) missiles in an offensive capacity, a move that could significantly alter the way the country conducts its defence. Some versions of the JASSM precision missiles have a range of over 575 miles, which could, in theory, put Moscow within range Having entered service in 2009, the weapon was not employed by the US until 2018, when it was used to destroy government chemical facilities in the Syrian civil war.
Their use would bring over 30 Russian airbases into range, many of which have been used to launch strikes against Ukraine. The green light to use the ATACMS missiles would allow Ukraine to target key Russian infrastructure and logistical supply routes vital to maintain their forces on the frontline and could potentially force Putin to move logisitical depots away from Ukraine. The ATACMS has been in service for over 30 years and is used by several nations including Austraila, South Korea and Poland. Both weapons have been in Ukrainian hands since....U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken has said, these sophicated weapons need years of training for Ukrainian pilots, as and until training is given,Ukraine's use is thus restricted?

What is a "Storm Shadow" Cruise missile

Storm Shadow Cruise missiles are air-launched long range, conventionally armed, deep strike weapons that have been in service since 2003.
The missile which has a range of 350 miles and a top speed of 621mph, was used in the 2003 invasion of Iraq and has since been used against Muammar Gaddafi in Libya in 2011 as well as against ISIS in Syria. The missile could prove to be a game changer in Ukraine's war with Russia. It would give them the flexibility to hit Russian targets in the rear area, particularly the logistical infrastructure that serves frontline troops. Joe Biden and Sir Keir Starmer are expected to discuss the missiles at a hastily-arranged meeting in Washington on Friday,13 Seotember 2024,after it was revealed that Iran has supplied Russia with "Fath 360" and more short-range weapons.Iran has since denied supplying Russia with long range missiles.

Russian advance toward Potrovsk

A Russian soldier fires from D-30 howitzer towards Ukrainian positions in an undisclosed location in Ukraine © AP Russian forces have advanced in eastern Ukraine and look to be readying for an “upcoming battle” for a key city in the area, the loss of which could open up the wider Donetsk region, analysts have reported. While the Ukrainian incursion into the Kursk region through August successfully captured a chunk of mainland Russia, Kyiv’s forces are now battling hard against advancing troops in the Donetsk region hundreds of miles to the south. It had been hoped that the Kursk incursion would draw away Russian forces in Donetsk and slow the advance but it appears that this has not happened. Coupled with morale issues, belated troop rotations and apparent ammunition shortages, Ukrainian forces have had to fight hard to prevent any significant advance in the area. On Tuesday, Russian security council chief and former defence minister Sergei Shoigu alleged that Moscow’s forces had seized a significant sliver of territory in the region. The Ministry of Defence (MoD) later claimed that Russian forces had taken control of four villages in the region towards the key city of Pokrovsk. While the claims are likely exaggerated - or at the least premature - they nonetheless highlight the volatile situation in the area. Open source data and battlefield reports indicate that Russian forces in the wider Donbas region, including Donetsk and neighbouring Luhansk, advanced in August at their fastest rate in about two years. Related video: Russia Defence Ministry Claims 'Liberated 4 Regions In Donetsk In 24 Hours' (The Times of India) Current Time 0:03 / Duration 3:16 The Times of India Russia Defence Ministry Claims 'Liberated 4 Regions In Donetsk In 24 Hours' 0 View on Watch View on Watch The Ukrainian general staff, meanwhile, wrote on Tuesday that Russia “continues to try to break through the defence” in multiple directions towards and around Pokrovsk. Below, The Independent takes a look at the latest developments on the frontline. The fight for Pokrovsk The frontline in Ukraine is around 740 miles long but the “hottest” fighting is concentrated in the Donetsk region, according to the Ukrainian military, particularly towards the city of Pokrovsk. It is a linchpin of Ukrainian defence in the region and, sitting on two strategic supply roads to the rest of Donetsk, is vital to the defence of the area. The Centre for Defence Strategies (CDS), a Ukrainian security think tank, suggested the “upcoming battle for Pokrovsk will be the climax of the enemy’s offensive operations” in 2024. The Russians appear to be pushing around the Pokrovsk area, as well as in the Toretsk direction immediately north and the Kurakhove district to the south, along multiple points. Ukraine’s general staff said there were five attacks in the Toretsk direction, mainly focused around the area of Niu-York, a city contested by both forces. Around 20 miles to the south, they reported that they had repelled 11 Russian attacks of 14 directed towards Pokrovsk. Around 20 miles further south, towards Kurakhove, they reported another 14 Russian attacks. They added that the Kurakhove and the Pokrovsk attacks were the “hottest” on the frontline. CDS suggested that Russian forces will now look to surround the city of Selydove and use that as a stepping stone to attack Pokrovsk.

US Presidential race

Human trafficking

Several men from Kerala who find themselves on the warfront in Russia had taken permanent residency (PR) in the country and given up their Indian passports, according to the state government’s Non-Resident Keralites Affairs (NORKA) department. NORKA chief executive officer Ajith Kolassery told The Indian Express that these men joined as support staff with the Russian Army after surrendering their Indian passports as they were offered a significantly higher income – around Rs 2.5 lakh a month – than they were earning back home. “We have learned from the Indian embassy in Moscow that they (the men from Kerala) had given their willingness in writing to join the Russian Army after taking PR,” he said. ADVERTISEMENT PlayUnmute Fullscreen However, some of them have expressed their desire to return to India after Sandeep, a 36-year-old from Kerala’s Thrissur district, died in the second week of August in a drone attack. Following this, the families of a few of the men approached the state government, and last week, Chief Minister Pinarayi VIjayan wrote to External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar to bring them back from the Russian Army camps. Festive offer “We don’t know how many from Kerala are still there. Four have expressed their willingness to come back. A few others are still disinclined to return to Kerala because of the promise of Rs 2.5 lakh a month there. At home, they were mainly electricians, cooks and plumbers. This is a very irregular migration from Kerala,” Kolassery said. In March this year, the CBI in Delhi had registered a case of human trafficking after several Indian nationals, including a few from Kerala, were allegedly duped to work with the Russian Army. The case against agents was registered after two Indian youths died in Russia’s war with Ukraine. ADVERTISEMENT However, according to sources, many who took PR in Russia to join the military moved to that country in April – after the job fraud case was reported. Some of these people told The Indian Express that while they were informed that they would be put into military camps, there was no mention of combat jobs on the warfront. Santhosh, one of the Keralites looking to return home from Russia, said he and two others had landed in the country on a private visa that was valid for three months. “To join the military support service at their camps, we had to take PR after cancelling our Indian passport. But after Sandeep’s death, we have decided to return to India. We have to first cancel our contract with the military and then the PR. The embassy is helping us to complete the proceedings,” he said. ADVERTISEMENT A native of Thrissur and an electrician by profession, Santhosh said he and the two others he travelled with are at a military base camp in Rostov Oblast as they await completion of the process to quit the Russian military. Earlier, they had been at the frontlines of the war in a border area, he said. According to him, there are at least two others from Kerala on the frontlines that he knows of. Santhosh said he and the others came to Russia as they were offered jobs as cooks, electricians and plumbers at the military camp with a salary of Rs 2.5 lakh a month. “When the cheating case came up in March, we were in Kerala but had already decided on coming to Russia. When we heard about the case, we panicked, but the people involved in our recruitment in Kerala and Moscow told us that once we get a PR, the job would be safe and the military would look after us,” he recalled. They went to Russia on a three-month private visa, but on reaching Moscow, they surrendered their Indian passport and obtained permanent residence in Russia, which is mandatory to join the Army support service. ADVERTISEMENT Santhosh said that even though they were told they would not be involved in combat, they were made to train on using combat rifles and the training kept getting more intense. “Initially, we were told the training was for only 20 days. But it got extended up to 70 days. After rifle training, we were put on more arduous training. Wearing heavy metal battle jackets with medical kits, weapons and other equipment, including a phosphorus mask, we were made to walk six kilometres a day. This was extended to 18 kilometres a day later. After that, we were taken to the war front in the border areas,” he said. He said that when they told the commanders that they did not want to fight, the commanders “did not insist, since there were few from Syria in our team who were willing to be fighters”. “After Sandeep’s death, due to government intervention, we could move away from the warzone to a safe camp,” Santhosh said. ADVERTISEMENT He also said that they were not given the promised salary. “We got only Rs 9,000 in the first month of training, and then it was hiked to Rs 40,000,” he said. Back in Kerala, the family of Sandeep, who was killed in a drone strike in August, is waiting for the repartrion of his body. Saran, a relative, said, “We were told that the embassy in Moscow is yet to get his body. He died at a battlefront and his body can be taken to Moscow only via road, we were told.” mail logo Subscribe to receive the day's headlines from The Indian Express straight in your inbox Enter Your Email A Keralite settled in Moscow, who spoke to The Indian Express on condition of anonymity, said PR in Russia has been an attraction for job seekers from India. He said these people are told that the job would be in military camps, but not on the frontlines. “Besides, they were offered a lucrative salary. Until April end, the Russian military used to recruit foreigners with PR. People were ready to take that risk,” he said. Click here to join The Indian Express on WhatsApp and get latest news and updates © The Indian Express Pvt Ltd First uploaded on: 11-09-2024 at 12:50 IST TAGS:KeralaRussia

Sunday 8 September 2024

Russia is well ahead in electronic warfare

Ukraine continues to successfully adapt and develop its electronic warfare (EW) systems against Russian drones, helping to alleviate the pressure on air defenses, report the Institute for the Study of War (ISW) and Militarnyi. "Ukraine continues to successfully adapt and develop its anti-drone capabilities, allowing Ukrainian forces to leverage lower-end systems to offset Russian pressures on Ukraine's limited air defense umbrella,'" the report states. The ISW notes that Ukrainian officials recently reported that some Russian Shahed drones failed to reach their targets for unspecified reasons, but the Ukrainian Air Force acknowledged on August 31 and September 6 that Ukrainian electronic warfare (EW) systems had impacted these drones.
Analysts also point out that the Ukrainian drone manufacturer Besomar has developed an interceptor drone capable of downing unidentified Russian drones, and that these interceptor drones are already being used by the Ukrainian Armed Forces in the combat zone. "These Ukrainian countermeasures are part of wider efforts aimed at offsetting the pressure that repeated, large-scale Russian strike series exert on Ukraine's limited air defense umbrella in the face of delayed and inconsistent deliveries of Western security assistance," the Institute for the Study of War (ISW) concludes. According to ISW, Ukraine's use of EW to counter Shahed drones will specifically "allow Ukrainian forces to conserve the limited air defense systems and missiles that Ukraine needs to protect against Russian missile strikes targeting Ukrainian frontline areas, critical infrastructure, and major population centers." "Russian and Ukrainian forces are engaged in a technological offense-defense race and that Ukraine's ability to field technological innovations at scale ahead of Russian adaptations is crucial for Ukraine's ability to offset Russia's current materiel advantages," the analysts summarize in the report. About the interceptor drone The "kamikaze interceptor," an aircraft-type drone, intercepts Russian drones by approaching them. It is also capable of reconnaissance missions and can fly for up to two and a half hours. According to Militarnyi, the design allows for the installation of two batteries, enabling the drone to fly a distance of 50-60 km. It can ascend to an altitude of up to 4 km and travel at speeds of 160-170 km/h. Recent versions of the interceptor drone have also been equipped with an air brake, allowing it to directly engage and neutralize enemy drones in a timely manner without bypassing them. Besomar has announced that it is currently capable of producing up to 100 of these drones per month. Earlier reports indicated that Iran recently delivered over 200 Fateh-360 missiles to Russia. It is likely that these will be used by Russia to target Ukrainian infrastructure.

Thursday 5 September 2024

What Russia really believes?

Russian President Vladimir Putin believes that Russia can gradually absorb Ukraine through a slow-moving offensive and by wearing down Ukrainian forces, according to analysts from the Institute for the Study of War (ISW). Have not Changed Outlook Despite recent Ukrainian operations in the Kursk region, which have impacted Russian forces, these efforts have not changed Putin’s overall strategic outlook, according to Ziare. ISW analysts suggest that Putin is confident that Russia can achieve its objectives through a war of attrition, without needing to negotiate peace on any terms other than the capitulation of Ukraine and the West. This belief underpins his unwillingness to consider peace talks unless they meet his demands. In a recent development, Russian forces targeted civilian infrastructure and a military academy in Poltava with Iskander-M ballistic missiles, causing significant casualties. Putin Hints at Young Family Members in Rare Personal Comment Intends to Hold Their Ground The broader impact of Ukraine's incursions into the Kursk region on the war or any potential diplomatic solutions remains unclear, and it is too early to draw definitive conclusions about Ukraine's ability to shift the conflict's trajectory or force the Kremlin to the negotiating table. The United States has announced plans to supply Ukraine with long-range surface-to-air missiles (JASSM), though these will not be delivered for several months, according to reports from Reuters. This move signals ongoing Western support for Ukraine, despite the protracted nature of the conflict.
NATO Rejects Zelensky's Demand To Down Russian Missiles In Ukraine; 'Fears' Putin's Aggression The Times of India/The Times of India NATO Rejects Zelensky's Demand To Down Russian Missiles In Ukraine; 'Fears' Putin's Aggression Russia-Ukraine war: How Russia is gaining the upper hand in war WION/WION Russia-Ukraine war: How Russia is gaining the upper hand in war Putin Reveals 'Main Reason' For Invading Ukraine In 2022: 'Persistently Worked To Convince Kyiv...' Hindustan Times/Hindustan Times Putin Reveals 'Main Reason' For Invading Ukraine In 2022: 'Persistently Worked To Convince Kyiv...' On the ground, Russian forces have made notable advances in eastern Ukraine, gaining several square miles of territory daily, particularly in the Donetsk region. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky acknowledged the difficult situation in the east but noted that Russian advances had stalled in recent days. Zelensky also stated that Ukraine intends to hold onto the Russian territories it captured during its surprise incursion into the Kursk region last month, aiming to pressure Putin into negotiations.

Britain through recent times

Electoral earthquakes beget political revolutions. Clement Attlee’s crushing defeat of Winston Churchill in 1945 heralded the creation of Britain’s welfare state. Margaret Thatcher’s 144-seat majority in 1983 signalled a counter-revolution to roll back the frontiers of nationalisation. The three consecutive terms ushered in by Sir Tony Blair’s 1997 landslide upturned his party’s historical role as an occasional interlude between Tory administrations. The baton has passed to Sir Keir Starmer. There is, though, an important difference. Blair proclaimed a shining new dawn. The new prime minister prefers understatement. He is promising a restoration as much as a revolution. Democracies across the west have been destabilised by the flight of voters to the far-flung fringes of right and left. Donald Trump is mounting a new bid for the White House. France is closer than it has ever been to its first far-right government since the Vichy regime during the second world war. In Britain, Starmer is offering “serious” government — a return to centrist sobriety. “Public service is a privilege,” he said on Friday outside 10 Downing Street. The parliamentary arithmetic of his victory matches any achieved by these postwar predecessors. This election though was as much a defeat for the Conservatives as a victory for what Starmer has called “Changed Labour”. Tory voters stayed at home or backed the anti-immigrant populists of Nigel Farage’s Reform party. Measured by seats in the House of Commons, Rishi Sunak’s party has fallen further than at any time in its history. Britain’s parliament now has a solid moderate majority. Add the 71 seats won so far by the Liberal Democrats — a record since the party was displaced by Labour a century ago — to Labour’s tally of 411 seats and centrists can claim approaching 500 of the 650 seats in the House of Commons. The country, it seems, had its populist rush of blood to the head when it voted in the 2016 referendum to leave the EU. For Boris Johnson, Brexit prefaced a wider assault on the nation’s democratic institutions and norms. The judges, the BBC, the civil service, the economic establishment — all were labelled enemies of the people. Starmer’s stated mission starts with putting the pieces back together.
The voters’ determination to throw out the Conservatives was palpable. Johnson had proclaimed that Brexit would deliver freedom and untold riches, a swashbuckling “Global Britain” on the threshold of a new Elizabethan age. The delusions and bluster were no antidote to the economic stagnation, falling living standards, and failing public services that followed. Post-Brexit trade deals with the likes of the US and India never materialised. Mistrusted in Europe, Britain was shunned in Washington. Voters notice these things. 1924: Stanley Baldwin The Conservatives, who were led by Baldwin, won a majority of 209 in an election where the Liberals were reduced to the third party in British politics With another set of leaders, the Conservatives might have claimed to have fallen victim to the Covid pandemic and the global energy shock delivered by Russia’s war against Ukraine. What turned the nation so viscerally against the party was the contempt it showed for the electorate. Johnson’s habitual mendacity, parties in Downing Street during Covid lockdowns and his insouciant disregard for rules observed by everyone else delivered the first blow. Liz Truss, whose brief premiership bore comparison with the shelf-life of a supermarket lettuce, blew up what remained of her party’s reputation for economic competence. Chosen to steady the ship, Sunak had neither the vision nor the authority to command a party more interested in fighting with itself. By the end he had lost both the “Red Wall”, working class voters who backed the party in 2019 and its traditional, more liberal supporters in the affluent south of the country. Recovery from such a calamity will not be easy, not least because the party’s remaining 121 MPs have still to decide whether they want to be the English nationalist party that emerged from Brexit or whether they want to rebuild the broad coalition that long kept it in office. Even before Farage’s populist party had claimed 14 per cent of the vote and five seats in the House of Commons, Sunak’s critics on the Tory right were accusing him of an excess of moderation. Brexit, they still claim against all evidence, could be a success. Sunak’s mistake was not to follow through by leaving the European Convention on Human Rights or by leading the culture wars against so-called liberal elites. All the signs are that a long civil war lies ahead. On the face of it all this leaves Starmer with a free run. The tumult in western democracies makes it dangerous to peer into the future with much certainty — not so long ago Emmanuel Macron was hailed as France’s new Sun King — but on any traditional estimation, the prime minister’s majority would give him an option on a second, and even perhaps a third, term. It is no accident that senior Labour figures are talking about a “decade of renewal”. An impregnable majority for one parliament, they understand, will not fix a badly weakened economy or repair the decay of public services during 14 years of Conservative government. 1945: Clement Attlee Labour won a majority of 145 seats on the back of Attlee’s plan to rebuild Britain after the second world war, including creating the NHS Starmer, a lawyer by profession and a moderate by temperament, has been cautious at every turn. Playing it safe was understandable enough after the trauma of the party’s lurch leftward under Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership. But the scale of his majority carries its own problems. Many in his party will press for greater ambition. If the country has woken up to the reality that Brexit was an egregious act of self-harm, they will ask, why does the prime minister set his face so firmly against rebuilding the bridges with Britain’s most important economic partners? The nation will also be impatient to see promised change — shorter NHS waiting lists, an effective strategy to control the numbers of “small boats” migrants crossing the Channel, more new houses. The Reform party took most of its support from disgruntled Tories. But the concerns feeding Farage’s populism among left-behind voters are also keenly felt among those who backed Labour. The Conservatives have been crushed, but support for the new government is much shallower than it is wide. Starmer will be conscious that he has won nearly two-thirds of the seats in parliament with only a little more than a third of the votes. Restoring competence and integrity to the business of government will be an important help. So too will normalising Britain’s relationships with its European neighbours and reviving its reputation in Washington. Economic success is built upon confidence. If it is to meet its promise of faster growth, the government will need new private investment. Investors, at home and overseas, look, above all, for predictability. These things, though, take time to show results, as will much-needed regulatory changes to reduce the burden on business. 1983: Margaret Thatcher Buoyed by victory the year before in the Falklands war, Thatcher won her second election with a majority of 144 seats Much less obvious is how Starmer will reconcile his sackcloth-and-ashes approach to public borrowing and debt with the intense pressures for public funds and his manifesto promises not to increase the main rates of taxation. The demands for additional funds will come from every direction — the NHS and social care, housing, the police and criminal justice system, defence, immigration control, and the drive to net zero head the list. Something, as they have been saying in the corridors of the Treasury, will have to give. The prospects are not all bad. The economy has probably fallen about as far as it can, the Bank of England has got a grip on inflation and Britain now looks like an island of political stability amid the tumult in some parts of Europe. Ultimately, the success or otherwise of the new moderation will depend on the character of the prime minister. Starmer enters Downing Street loaded with the political capital that comes with complete mastery of the House of Commons. A natural instinct for caution may well encourage him to hoard it. He will succeed only if he is prepared to invest it. Attlee secured his place in history because the welfare state became a permanent and — in the case of the NHS — hallowed feature of Britain’s political economy. Thatcher’s redrawing of the boundaries of the state likewise survived the vicissitudes of subsequent elections. For his part, Blair persuaded his party and the country that the market economy and social justice need not operate in permanent opposition. 1997: Tony Blair Labour’s most successful leader won the first of three election victories with a 179 majority, bringing to an end 18 years of Conservative government History may well judge Starmer’s premiership by whether it manages to rebuild what the Conservatives have in recent years done their best to pull down — integrity in public life, respect for the rule of law, trust in the nation’s institutions and regard for Britain abroad. His government’s political success or failure will depend on whether it can navigate a path that balances two things: the pressing demands of voters for decent, well-funded public services that widen the spread of opportunity beyond the nation’s great cities to stranded provincial towns; and tight limits on public borrowing and an ingrained reluctance of the electorate to pay higher taxes. Meeting this latter challenge scarcely has the ring of what the French would call un grand projet. Starmer is not that sort of politician, but then how else to turn back the tide of populism? Copyright The Financial Times Limited 2024. All rights reserved.

How Britain can succeed?

Without economic growth, our country cannot succeed. No growth means, axiomatically, that no one in society can get a real-terms salary increase without someone else being paid less. It means that aspiration is crushed and our society becomes dog eat dog. Capital that must be accumulated to start up new businesses won’t be accumulated. Businesses that don’t grow will wither and die because they don’t accumulate the resources to beat their competition (particularly from abroad). And a no-growth economy isn’t static; it sooner or later shrinks, because the unceasing demands of voters at each general election, never strong on deferring gratification, mean that politicians who want to be elected promise (and as often as not deliver) more money, more stuff; and in the absence of growth to pay for this largesse, put taxes up, higher and higher. Growth (and particularly growth per capita, the most important metric) has collapsed in the UK and the European Un
ion, while countries in other parts of the world have motored ahead, with much higher growth rates than ours. Why? Because social democracy, their chosen political approach, is inimical to economic growth. The key, growth-destroying features of the social democratic experiment are bigger government, higher taxes, and an ever-shrinking private sector to get those taxes from. It’s a pattern with only one eventual outcome: national bankruptcy. For most of this century, the UK has been increasingly drawn into that doom loop. It’s hardly groundbreaking to point out the importance of economic growth; indeed, the political weather has changed so much that the three most recent prime ministers, facing the reality of a lamentable lack of growth in the past few decades, have each said that growth is their number one goal. Yet the policies each has proposed to achieve that growth are quite different from each other and it is a racing certainty that at least two of those growth policies have got it wrong; the policies they proposed would destroy, not create, growth. So how is growth created? And will the current Government’s policies lead to economic growth? If not, what should it change? As I show in my upcoming book, Return to Growth, most of Labour’s policies are, with a few exceptions, growth-destroying. This means that over the next five years, our economy is going to take a sharp turn for the worse. While Labour’s policies are bad, in many ways they are just a continuance of a social democratic experiment that’s been pursued by successive governments, including Conservative ones, over the past 30 years. Unless we turn our back on that failed approach, we face ever-increasing hard times. The experiment has seen the state grow inexorably, ratcheting up the tax burden on everyone, particularly on the growth-producing parts of the economy. It has also created a regulatory thicket that has made it harder and harder for anyone to set up, or expand, a successful business. The challenge for whoever wins the Tory leadership race – whether it is Kemi Badenoch, Robert Jenrick, Priti Patel, Mel Stride, James Cleverly or Tom Tugendhat – will be escaping this trap and charting a course back towards the free market model that made Britain a historic success. How do we create an environment where the electorate can be brought to see the truth of the above assertions, so that a cohesive national effort can be made to remove those growth-destroying elements of our economy? In Return to Growth, I argue that agreement on two key principles – neither of them that controversial – is both necessary and sufficient to create an environment where economic growth per capita can smartly accelerate, to the benefit of all. The first of these is that jobs are created by people, not by government. One of the more peculiar features of the modern era is the claim, by government after government, that they will “create“ jobs, often particularising this to their creating the jobs in this or that sector. It’s a barefaced lie for any government to say they can do this. The overwhelming experience of history is that the more a government interferes with and dictates what’s going on in the economy, the less it will grow. Economies that are run from the centre, by those who say “we know best,” always have dismal economic outcomes. In the extreme, you end up with complete collapse, as with Soviet Russia, or (more recently) Cuba or Venezuela. Reversal of fortunes There are plenty of reasons why this is so. In free markets, economies, entrepreneurs and businesses invest their capital where they think they can get the best return: this comes from providing goods or services that will meet the needs of the population. In socialist economies, however, central planning results in the misallocation of resources and the production of goods and services that don’t meet people’s needs and wants (heat pumps, anyone?) The more a government seeks to direct the economy, the more rent seeking, crony capitalism and lobbying for subsidies occur; all of which leads to economic stagnation. As Peter Mandelson immortally said about New Labour’s industrial policy: they thought they were picking winners, but the losers were picking them. A particularly meretricious claim is that a government will create a host of “green jobs”. It’s nonsense, and I’m just one of many, from the Financial Times on, to say so. Do politicians really believe that they will, that they can, create a host of jobs? If they do believe it, they must be very stupid; if they don’t, they are wicked. The Government can certainly create more government jobs, paid for through your taxes. Indeed, for most of this century, they have blithely done so – while productivity in the public sector has collapsed and services have declined. But this does not grow the economy, except in the most make-work sense; rather, it just expands the state and sucks activity away from, while further taxing, the private sector, the place where true growth-producing jobs are created. These private sector jobs are created by a combination of entrepreneurs, businesses and investors. The relatively free way in which, for the 200 years or so before this century, these actors – largely unconstrained by government – were able to work their magic resulted in the most extraordinary level of economic growth in Britain’s history: wealth, living standards, health, longevity, human achievement all increased dramatically, and in the process we pioneered an economic system that has given the entire world unparalleled prosperity. Entrepreneurs settle in countries that welcome them and allow them to get rich if they are successful, at the same time as their work adds to human happiness and prosperity. In the same way, big business invests in countries that don’t seek to suck the last penny out of them in taxes. Just ask AstraZeneca, who in 2022 were planning to invest £400 million in building a plant in the UK. Had they done it, it would have created all sorts of economic growth and jobs. But they changed their plans when Jeremy Hunt increased corporation tax to 25pc: the factory is now being built in Ireland where, at 12.5pc, the corporate tax rate is exactly half ours. AstraZeneca, which had always taken great pride in its success in the UK, is just one of scores of companies that have shunned Britain in the past two years – thanks, Conservatives. Sadly but unsurprisingly, the Labour Government shows signs of making the position worse, not better, so the flight of wealth creators will continue. In sector after sector, companies are leaving the UK. Depressingly, this is particularly evident in some of the former crown jewel sectors of the UK – pharma, finance, oil and gas, petrochemicals. It’s not just large companies that are leaving the UK: we have the third largest number of millionaires in the world leaving the UK. This has been happening for a number of years, long before Rachel Reeves entered Number 11 Downing Street; the number leaving seems to increase year after year. Non-doms have been driven out. Entrepreneurs of all sorts look elsewhere to make their fortunes. Most depressingly, the brain drain has started up again, with young high-earners fleeing to the US, Australia, Dubai and elsewhere. High levels of taxes and regulation also result in many who could help with economic growth no longer doing so: potential entrepreneurs and business builders “resigning from the economy”, prematurely retiring or becoming “digital nomads”. Until we recognise that it is people in the private sector, not governments, who create jobs, we can’t even begin to return to growth. Large state, low growth The second key principle is that while governments can’t create jobs and growth, they certainly can create an environment that enables the private sector to do so. What is that environment? This is something that has been studied over and over again, and the vast majority of conclusions from these studies say the same thing: the three key devils that prevent growth are first a too-large, unaffordable level of government expenditure (several quantitative economists have claimed that the optimal size of public sector expenditure is 26pc of the economy; most politicians will assert this is too low a number to achieve, but I would settle for what we in the UK had in the country not too long ago, government expenditures at 33pc of the economy); second, too high a level of taxation (growth is significantly decreased the more taxes you suck out of the economy; I would argue for tax revenues that were no higher than 30pc – with the Government getting another 3 or 4pc of GDP from other revenues, so that it maintained a balanced budget); and finally, larger and ever-increasing regulation. These three devils can be found in every social democracy, and are in the main what is keeping our level of economic growth so low. Let’s discuss each. First: that a small state is a necessary driver of economic growth is irrefutable. Think about this impeccable logic: if the public sector is sucking up 25pc of GDP, three private sector workers can divide up the burden of carrying one public sector worker or beneficiary, but at 50pc of the economy, each single private sector worker has to carry that burden of the public sector worker or beneficiary. How well is that likely to work out? Chart B, below, shows one out of many studies (many of which prove it’s causation not just correlation between the two factors) illustrating the point – large state equals low growth. And yet the size of the UK’s public sector has inexorably increased, from around 30pc of GDP last century to, during Covid, over 50pc; even now it is around 45pc. The number shows little sign of reducing. Second: along with a large state comes the corollary: high taxes. Over and again, academic studies have shown that the higher the tax as a percentage of GDP, the lower the growth. Yet, again, we keep raising taxes – even, let us say particularly, under recent Conservative governments. And when those governments meet resistance on increasing income tax or corporation tax, they invent all sorts of unconventional taxes – often wrapping up the reasoning for imposing them in faux-moral posturing, so that the taxpayer can feel bad about indulging in the activity, while paying stiff taxes on it. But Art Laffer – still denigrated, while always right – showed that all these tax rises result in less compliance, less economic activity and less tax revenue than predicted. Large government and high taxes are bad enough, but what really kills growth is the third devil: excessive regulation. Bit by bit, governments fail to resist the temptation to interfere with the wealth creators. Sector after sector gets more and more regulated and can innovate less and less. Capital requirements on banks steer them away from lending to small companies. Regulations on pension funds encourage them to invest in government bonds, not private sector equities. The car industry is told what cars to make; the boiler industry told not to make boilers. Formerly privatised industries must be re-nationalised. The insanity of EDI, ESG and the like – compulsory carbon literacy training, anyone? – forces companies to affirm and act with a primary purpose to achieve social nirvana rather than delivering goods and services that people want. Good luck with that nirvana stuff; in the meantime, forget about achieving any economic growth. So, two simple and fairly obvious principles, but in the past 50 years most western democracies have done the opposite, ignoring the clear evidence that exists on how to improve their people’s wealth and living standards. There are three general models of how countries are run in this modern age; at the worst end, we have the brutal bandit dictatorships such as Russia, Venezuela, North Korea, Iran, Nicaragua and Cuba. These mostly emerged as the logical endpoint of socialism/communism, with leaders hanging on to power by terrorising their own citizens and indulging in brutal military adventures abroad. The second model is Social Democracy. It takes a lot longer to fail, but ends up with stagnation and in consequence, over time, national bankruptcy, as is currently being predicted to befall, for example, France. The third model is the Free Market economy, still pursued in countries around the world, all of which show startling and continued levels of growth, bringing wealth, health, longevity to their citizens. The USA is still one, despite Obama’s and Biden’s efforts; the wealth of its citizens grows at an astonishingly greater pace than the average EU citizen, so that salaries and wealth further and further outstrip ours. Post war, Europe was at first successful, but bit by bit its countries moved from free markets structures to social democracy, where saying you care, but acting to damage, is the norm. The ever-increasing welfare bill led to the ravages of QE, and bouts of inflation that we cannot be sure are fully behind us. Doctrinaire polemicists now spout more and more reckless social nonsense, such as claims that our wealth is built entirely on the fruits of rapacious colonialism; the promotion of diversity hires; the bizarre assertion – to take just one example – that the socialised NHS, one of the worst health systems globally, is a national treasure and the envy of the world. Drain the swamp Leaving the EU has made it possible for us to break away from the European social democratic model. But we haven’t capitalised on this opportunity. Instead, every government since 2016 has doubled down on social democratic policies, with predictably catastrophic results. The only leader who tried to break free and create a dynamic economy was Liz Truss, before being immediately betrayed by her own side, who encouraged all to embrace the fairytale that a disturbance created by bad regulation (the rolling collateral calls on leveraged LDI funds), compounded by the Bank of England failing to support the LDI funds as they sorted themselves out, amounted to “Liz Truss crashed the economy“ (economic growth that quarter, it eventually turned out, was positive, refuting the ONS’s previous claims that it had shrunk). With her own side aggressively pushing her to failure, the political opposition and left-wing commentators had little work to do to ensure Truss’s departure, to be replaced by their always-preferred candidate, Rishi Sunak. His new government had no principles to guide it, beyond the desire to cling on to power – and it even seemed to lose interest in that, calling, unforgivably, a premature election that it was bound to lose. The new Starmer government promised to reduce regulation in the building industry so that the economy can get a boost, but then after that good start a raft of growth-destroying measures have been introduced, such as giving massive pay rises to the public sector and abandoning all attempts to reduce the vastly excessive number of civil servants, if only back to pre-Covid levels. It doesn’t have to be this way. In previous centuries, we led the world with a few basic principles, summed up in the phrase “laissez-faire” — just let entrepreneurs, business and investors get on with building the economy, rather than stuffing them up with high taxes and drowning them in swamps of regulation. Other countries, like Switzerland and Singapore, are showing us there is no limit to the economic growth that a country can achieve if you rein in the state; in consequence, they deliver enormous benefits, of all kinds, to their people. There is absolutely no reason why we can’t do the same. In addition to eliminating these three devils, there are of course many other things we have to do to get growth going; key among them are improving our state education system, which the wonderful Katharine Birbalsingh has shown us how to do – yet the new Labour government seems determined to do the opposite. We have to bust up the employee monopolies of the public sector and the semi-nationalised industries, banning strikes by state workers. We have to find a way, above all, to get immigration down so that economic growth per capita becomes possible. We have to do all this. Without returning this country to growth, we can only expect decay, decline and (eventually) financial default. One way or another, our economy has to be restructured. Better sooner than later. We have to hope our Government is paying attention – although the chances are that Labour will follow its Conservative predecessors in sticking with more of the same, failed approach. So in the meantime we have to wait, build the case, and keep pressing it: helping all to understand that growth will only come by reverting to the free market principles that transformed our country into the workshop of the world, thus eventually transforming the wealth of the whole world. Jon Moynihan’s book, Return to Growth, will be published by Biteback on September 10th,2024.